Post-independence

Transitions in Namibia : which changes for whom?

Medarbetare:	Melber, Henning
Utgivare:	Uppsala : Nordiska Afrikainstitutet
År:	2007
Ämnesord:	Social change, Economic change, cultural change, political development, Liberation, Decentralization, gender relations, International reltions, Economic and social development, Post-independence, Namibia, Political science, Statsvetenskap

This volume completes the research project on "Liberation and Democracy in Southern Africa" (LiDeSA). It mainly addresses socioeconomic and gender-related issues in contemporary Namibia. Most of the contributors are either Namibian, based in Namibia or have undertaken extensive research in the country. Their interest as scholars and/or civil society activists is guided by a loyalty characterised not by rhetoric but by empathy with the people. They advocate notions of human rights, social equality and related values and norms instead of being driven by an ideologically determined party-political affiliation. Their investigative and analytical endeavours depict a society in transition, a society that is far from being liberated. Not surprisingly, this compilation explores the limits to liberation more than its advances.

Independent? : Tanzania's challenges since Uhuru

Upphovsperson:	Vilby, Knud
Utgivare:	Nordiska Afrikainstitutet | Dar es Salaam : E & D Vision Publishing Ltd.; Nordiska Afrikainstitutet
År:	2007
Ämnesord:	political development, Social change, Governance, Socialism, Economic and social development, Globalization, Post-independence, Tanzania, Political science, Statsvetenskap

This book describes the history and challenges facing Tanzania through the voices and memories of Tanzanians and through their visions and ideas about the challenges Tanzania faces today. It is a story of set backs and disappointments, but also of pride. Among those interviewed are leading politicians, activists and researchers, but also ordinary everyday Tanzanians - farmers, workers, grandfathers and grandmothers, active and retired civil servants - are interviewed. The statements are used thematically in chapters forcusing on the various challenges that have faced Tanzania: from insufficient focus on agriculture to the menace of corruption; from socialism to capitalism and from the role of the family to the importance of religion. There is a strong focus on the limitation of independence. Tanzania is independent, but there is no true independence in a globalized world.

Eritrea : a dream deferred

Upphovsperson:	Kibreab, Gaim
Utgivare:	Nordiska Afrikainstitutet | London : James Currey; Nordiska Afrikainstitutet
År:	2009
Ämnesord:	Eritrea, Post-independence, national liberation movements, Nation-building, Economic conditions, political development, Civil war, Human rights violations, Social change, Political science, Statsvetenskap

Eritrean independence under the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (now the People's Front for Democracy and Justice) became an international cause celebre during the 1980s. Eritrea was the first African nation to gain independence in the post-colonial period and appeared to be opening a new and progressive path in African politics. But the promise of the revolution was soon betrayed by the outbreak of war with Ethiopia, the PFDJ's increasingly repressive domestic policies, its mismanagement of the country's economy, and its hostile relations with its neighbours.The PFDJ government dismantled existing formal and informal institutions, crippled the private sector, banned private newspapers, civil and political society organisations, expelled international NGOs and aid agencies when over two-thirds of the population were dependent on food aid, detained without trial journalists, thousands of dissidents, and former leaders of the liberation struggle, and turned national service from an instrument of nation building and national integration into an instrument of open-ended forced labour.In this well-researched first account of post-independence Eritrea, Gaim Kibreab gives a detailed and critical analysis of how things went woefully wrong and how the former 'liberators' turned into oppressors with no respect for the rule of law, human rights and religious freedom. CONTENT 1  Introduction 2  The Broken Promises, Demand for Change & Violation of Human Rights 3  Associational Life in Independent Eritrea 4  Towards an Explanation 5  The Demise of the Private Sector 6  PFDJ's Dominance of the Economy & the Consequences 7  Freedom of Association, Political Stability & Institutions 8  Shattered Promises: In Lieu of a Conclusion

Ghana - long term growth, atrophy and stunted recovery

Upphovspersoner:	Leith, J. Clark | Söderling, Ludvig
Utgivare:	Nordiska Afrikainstitutet | Uppsala : Nordiska Afrikainstitutet
År:	2003
Ämnesord:	Ghana, Post-independence, political development, Economic policy, economic reform, Economic recession, Business and economics, Ekonomi

Ghana's independence in March 1957 was celebrated with great flourish. "Free at last!" Kwame Nkrumah, the country's leader, proclaimed. Yes, Ghana was free to follow an independent political course, and free to experiment with an independent economic direction. But the exercise of that freedom proved to be destructive. Gradually removing internal agents of restraint, and unconcerned about external constraints, Nkrumah pursued his grand vision of Ghana. But, that vision became a nightmare. More than a quarter century of increasingly chaotic political and economic turbulence followed.Eventually a major reform program was launched, but after fifteen years its success has been modest. While the downward spiral has been halted, and real growth resumed, real GDP per capita and total factor productivity have barely exceeded the levels achieved at independence. The long-run economic and political records are both lackluster, each limiting the potential of the other. The question is, why has Ghana not achieved sustained and rapid long-term growth? This study seeks to provide an answer.As we review the experience of the forty plus years of independence, five explanatory themes recur. The first theme is excess demand. Repeatedly, fiscal and monetary policies have been excessively expansionary, generating bouts of inflation, followed by painful adjustment. Ghanaian entrepreneurs have seldom been able to count on a stable macroeconomic environment for more than a few months into the future. Such a short-term horizon has been damaging. Currency overvaluation is the second theme. Initially the problem was a fixed nominal exchange rate, maintained in the face of domestic inflation. Exchange controls followed, while inflation accelerated. The real price of foreign exchange was depressed to a small fraction of its level at independence, and forced the economy to become virtually autarkic. Recovery of the real exchange rate under the reform program has occurred, but its instability remains a serious source of uncertainty for all - exporters, import competing producers, and foreign investors alike. Third, closely related to the foregoing, Ghana has frequently failed to realize the potential gains from pursuing and supporting its comparative advantage. Among the traditional exports, cocoa suffered from a variety of devices that suppressed the real producer price and depressed production to well belowits optimum. Minerals, until recently, endured state ownership, and neglect of infrastructure. The fourth theme is suppression of the financial sector. With the state heavily involved in running financial institutions, and repeated confiscation of assets both directly and via inflation, individuals are reluctant to hold financial assets. The financial sector, consequently, does not yet play its potential roles in bringing savers and investors together. The fifth theme concerns the role of the state. The state was stretched far beyond its abilities. The overextended reach of government and the administrative complexity of many programs pushed the state well beyond the limits of activities that it could handle efficiently and without corruption. This seriously compromised the effectiveness of nearly everything the state was involved in, ranging from education to health care to state-owned enterprises to administration of economic controls. The outcome was a near collapse of the state. Not only was the state ineffective in its economic activities, but it failed to consistently control predation by its agents. Real assets were confiscated, both by direct seizure and indirectly by economic policies. At various times agents of the state extorted huge rents from society and beat hapless victims. The lingering sense that such experiences might recur, leaves the economy achieving far less than its potential, in spite of significant economic and political reforms achieved over the past fifteen years. To appreciate why Ghana's modern history unfolded in this way, it is necessary to understand both the political and economic dimensions. We begin in Chapter 1 with an overview of the economic and political record of the various regimes that governed Ghana from independence through to the launch of the economic reform program in 1983. Those reforms and the consequences are the subject of Chapter 2. The major conclusions are presented in Chapter 3.

Governance and state delivery in Southern Africa : examples from Botswana, Namibia and Zimbabwe

Upphovsperson:	Melber, Henning
Utgivare:	Nordiska Afrikainstitutet | Uppsala : Nordiska Afrikainstitutet
År:	2007
Ämnesord:	political development, Democratization, Political power, Governance, Political culture, Post-independence, Southern Africa, Botswana, Namibia, Zimbabwe, Political science, Statsvetenskap

This Discussion Paper highlights in complementary ways problems and challenges for governance issues under centralised state agencies, which base their authority and legitimacy on a dominant party and its influence. The case study on Namibia argues for a need for parliamentary and administrative reform to improve the efficiency of lawmakers. The Botswana chapter explores the decision on the location of the country’s second university as an act without consultation of the local population. The Zimbabwe paper advocates an approach in favour of using the African Peer Review Mechanism as an instrument to assist in a change towards better governance. All the authors have intimate knowledge of the matters discussed through their own involvement with the respective cases and/or their individual positioning within these societies. This publication is among the final results of the project “Liberation and Democracy in Southern Africa” (LiDeSA), which was undertaken at the Institute between 2001 and 2006.